“Armenological Issues” is the bulletin of the Institute for Armenian Studies of YSU. It has been published since 2014, in Yerevan. Various research materials on Armenian studies are published in this bulletin. Many prominent scholars from RA, Armenian Diaspora and abroad collaborate with this bulletin. The bulletin is published thrice a year. It has the following sections: “Articles”, “Publications”, “Book Reviews”, “Academic Life”. The materials are reviewed and edited. Those articles, which do not match the criteria, won’t be published in the bulletin.
Yerevan State University publishing house
ARMENIAN VOICES IN TURKISH BESTSELLERS: CASE STUDY OF AHMET ÜMİT’S NOVEL “FAREWELL, MY BEAUTIFUL HOMELAND”
Over the past thirty years, the dissolution of boundaries between high literature and mass‑market fiction has given rise to a unique “middle‑class” prose in Türkiye. Detective writer and journalist Ahmet Ümit is widely regarded as one of the leading figures of this literary trend. This article examines how the Armenian theme is reflected in one of A. Ümit’s most popular detective novels “Farewell, My Beautiful Homeland” (2015). In the novel, author portrays the formation, development, and eventual decline of the Young Turks Movement within the broader context of early 20th‑century Ottoman life, seeking to understand the causes of the Empire’s collapse. Among the many issues A. Ümit addresses are the Armenian Genocide and mass deportations, presented, however, not in his own voice, but through the words of one of the characters of the novel – Arshak Boghossyan.
Copyright (c) 2025 Naira H. Poghosyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE PERPETUATION OF STATE VIOLENCE: THE TURKISH ARMY’S INSTITUTIONAL ROLE IN THE MASSACRES OF ARMENIANS IN KARS AND SHIRAK PROVINCES (1920) AS A MANIFESTATION OF GENOCIDAL CONTINUITY
The Ottoman army consistently played a distinct role in the implementation of the Turkish authorities’ premeditated genocidal policy against Armenians. Units of the regular Turkish army participated in the forced deportations of Armenians, the destruction of settlements, and mass killings. The Young Turks’ policy, guided by Pan-Turkist ideology, aimed not only to annihilate the Armenian people within the borders of the Ottoman Empire but also to eliminate any manifestation of Armenian statehood. This political line was also continued by the Kemalists. The massacres in the Vanand (Kars) and Shirak provinces of the Republic of Armenia in 1920 demonstrate that the violence against Armenians was not limited solely to the years of the Genocide but continued as a perpetuation of the same ideology. Therefore, the actions of the Young Turk and Kemalist authorities against Armenians should be examined not as isolated episodes but within the context of different stages of the same program and ideology. The article demonstrates this connection through the study of archival, field research, and specialized materials. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Turkish authorities’ continuous pattern of involving the army in the process of carrying out massacres against Armenians, exemplified by the provinces of Kars and Shirak
Copyright (c) 2025 Candidate historical sciences https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE GERMAN REICHSTAG, KARL LIEBKNECHT AND THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE DURING WORLD WAR I
It is a side effect of all wars that objective reporting on events relevant to the war is prevented by state censorship. Propaganda takes the place of truth - as was the case in Germany during World War I. How was it still possible for the German public to learn about the Armenian Genocide? In German and Armenian historiography, this merit is attributed to Pastor Johannes Lepsius. But a few months before Lepsius published his enlightening book, the Social Democratic member of the Reichstag Karl Liebknecht had already pointed out the mass murders of Armenians in the Reichstag on 11 January 1916. He was the only one of 397 members of parliament to publicise this crime against humanity. The SPD's central organ “Vorwärts” printed the Reichstag debates so that hundreds of thousands of Germans could read them. This courageous action by Karl Liebknecht has not yet been adequately recognized.
Copyright (c) 2025 Bernd Braun https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The genocide of the indigenous Christians of the Ottoman Empire (Armenians, Greeks, Syro-Aramaeans/Assyrians/Chaldeans) A detailed documentation with three modules of nine teaching units each Verlag v. Hase & Koehler 2024
According to Max Weber, “power” represents the condition of being able to assert one's will (also) against the will of others. For its own permanence, power generates knowledge and education. Information always also means the path to information, which brings us to the political character of all education. If we want to exemplify this complex in the context of Armenian culture, the genocide of 1915 comes to mind historically, as well as the current expulsion of the Armenians in Karabakh by Azerbaijan, which is to be regarded as genocide. What does the path to information about the 1915 genocide and Karabakh look like and how is it organized afterwards? Are we in a mosque environment, at a German regulars' table or somewhere else where the topic might be discussed - it seems important to know this. But more important, because it is more comprehensive, is to know who or what paved the educational path and how. The conditions for the respective recipients of information, of education per se, are then derived from this. The state-organized institution of the school is responsible for education, with decisions on the path to education being made on a case-by-case basis. The state character of education must be emphasized here, as can be seen in the example of Germany, where the historical connection to two genocides (namely 1915 and World War II) has had a significant impact and may lead to interference and confusion in its practical perception. If we introduce the issue of information about the Armenian genocide into the construction of a history textbook, we enter federal territory in Germany: In the so-called textbook affair in the state of Brandenburg in 2005, the then MP Platzeck, under pressure from Turkey, had the word “genocide” in connection with the Armenians removed from school textbooks, so that the issue could not be addressed and took a back seat to the Shoah. A second example: On April 24, 2024, the anniversary of the genocide, German President Steinmeyer visited Atatürk's mausoleum and grave in Turkey. Both actions reflect the Germans' relationship to their own history: Hierarchies that exist in principle but are not explained thematically in history books, instead receding behind them as part of them and unrecognized, narrow the view of one's own history as conveyed in this way to a mere representation of state ideology and its practice. This results in the need for a teaching and learning tool that provides guidance on understanding the information conveyed and the ways to access it. In relation to the topic of genocide, this means that the background factors that lead to genocide, but also to its informal processing, can be identified. This also means that genocides can be compared and differentiated in terms of their comparability.
Copyright (c) 2025 JÜRGEN GISPERT https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE DYNAMICS OF FRANCE-TURKEY RELATIONS FROM 2007 TO 2012
This paper examines the dynamics of France-Turkey relations during their second historical stage, spanning from 2007 to the end of 2012, a period marked by the simultaneous presidencies of Nicolas Sarkozy in France and Abdullah Gül in Turkey. The relevance of this study lies in understanding how bilateral relations evolved under the strain of diverging strategic priorities, competing geopolitical visions, and the persistent question of Turkey’s accession to the European Union. The research employs a multidisciplinary methodological framework centered on strategic analysis. This approach is further supported by event analysis, which enables the identification and examination of key turning points and critical developments shaping bilateral relations, as well as content analysis, which systematically evaluates diplomatic communications, policy documents, official statements, and media coverage in order to capture the narratives and discourses structuring Franco–Turkish interactions. Through this methodological design, the study traces the interplay between structural constraints and political agency, with particular emphasis on the security architecture of the European continent, France’s quest to consolidate its role within and beyond Europe, and Turkey’s aspiration to assert greater involvement in European affairs while expanding its influence in other regional contexts. The findings demonstrate that, despite recurrent difficulties and contradictions-rooted not only in geopolitical and strategic divergences but also in civilizational, ideological, and value-based differences -the period nevertheless witnessed the preservation of a steady trajectory of bilateral engagement. This trajectory was characterized by the coexistence of obstacles and cooperation, ultimately functioning as a driving force for continued dialogue and collaboration. The paper argues that this dual dynamic of conflict and cooperation constitutes a defining feature of the period, placing it as a distinct and significant stage within the broader historical continuum of Franco-Turkish relations.
Copyright (c) 2025 Mariam Topakyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
ARMIN T. WEGNER, SCHÖPFER DES BEGRIFFS „VOLKSMORD» FÜR DIE VERNICHTUNG DER ARMENIER IM OSMANISCHEN REICH
This essay sheds light on an almost unknown aspect of the work of the German writer Armin T. Wegner (1886-1978), namely his legal training in Breslau and Berlin, his doctorate in criminal law and his legal qualification of the genocide of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. As a medical officer during the World War in Turkey and an eyewitness, Wegner described the extermination of the Armenians with the term “Volksmord”, which he coined in 1916, whereas Raphael Lemkin coined in 1944 for the extermination of the Armenians in the First World War and of the European Jews by the Nazi regime in the Second World War the term “genocide”. The term defined by Lemkin became part of public international law and has been binding worldwide since 1948.
Copyright (c) 2025 Manushak Markosyan, Otto Luchterhandt https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE INVISIBLES: HIDDEN CHRISTIAN NATION(S) IN 20TH-CENTURY TÜRKIYE
This article discusses the fate of survivors of the Young Turk and Kemalist genocide against the indigenous Christians of the Ottoman Empire (1912-1922). Although the phenomenon of Ottoman Christians converting to Sunni or Shiite Islam or Alevism has existed in the Ottoman Empire since the 17th century, the genocide in particular significantly accelerated Islamization and thus also the phenomenon of crypto-Christianity in various regions of present-day Republic of Türkiye that were previously predominantly Christian. However, Islamization did not protect Armenian and Greek genocide survivors from further discrimination. In addition to a comparative consideration of the affected regions – Sasun, Pontos, Hamshen, Cappadocia and Dersim – the analysis focuses on the Dersim region, whose Armenian inhabitants were affected by genocide no fewer than twice: in 1915/16 and in 1938. At the same time, I examine the effects of Kurdish tribality and the associated granting of protection at the price of serfdom. My empirical basis is the interviews conducted by Avedis Hadjian and Kazım Gündoğan in the 2010s with people of Armenian descent – defined as descendants of at least one Armenian grandparent or great-grandparent. These interviews confirm the fact, also known in other post-genocidal contexts, that the experience of genocide silences the survivors for at least two generations and socially marginalizes those affected. It was only in the generation of grandchildren that the crypto-Christians and Alevized Armenians were able to overcome their invisibility and confront the public with the demand for equal treatment and acceptance. What price did the crypto-Christians pay for remaining in their homeland? Despite the often-praised good relations between Armenians and Dersim Alevis, the price seems to have been particularly high in this region, because the forced adaptation to regional Alevism led not only to a change of faith, but also to linguistic assimilation into the Turkish and Iranian languages of the region (Kurdish, Kırmanc(k)i or Zazaki). If we consider language and religion to be essential components of collective and individual identity, then the preservation of an Armenian consciousness in this region is all the more remarkable. In other regions examined here, especially in Pontos and Hamshen, the Islamized Greeks and Armenians at least retained their language.
Copyright (c) 2025 Tessa Hofmann https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
HETEROTOPIAS IN THE FORESTON THE PERCEPTION OF MEMORIAL DAYS (USING THE EXAMPLE OF BUCHENWALD, BERLIN AND YEREVAN)
2025 marked the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the Buchenwald concentration camp near Weimar/Germany and the victory of the Allies over Hitlerite fascism. The interference caused by the current war in Ukraine with regard to the evaluation of commemoration days for their implementation provided an opportunity to resume and expand on an essay published a few years ago comparing the memorials in Buchenwald and on Tsitsernakabert in Yerevan. The results of wars not only have potential consequences for the further course of history, but also for the ideational content of monuments referring to them, which, if they are allowed to remain, can change the direction of their interpretative content. This is illustrated by the cursory history of the memorials near Weimar (Buchenwald) and Tsitsernakabert and their use in comparison with the Soviet Memorial in Treptower Park/Berlin and Red Square in Moscow. The monuments under discussion and the events that revolve around them are placed in the three-way relationship between past and present (Benjamin) and the respective changes in perspective are observed, taking into account the relationship between the individual and the collective.
THE DYNAMICS OF FRANCE - TURKEY RELATIONS FROM 1995 TO 2007
This paper offers a comprehensive examination of France-Turkey relations during the 1990s, with a particular focus on the critical period from 1995 to 2007. The study identifies this era as a phase of continuous and stable development, which both consolidated the achievements of prior historical phases and laid a solid foundation for subsequent dynamic interactions. The analysis situates bilateral relations within the broader context of Turkey’s evolving political and economic relationship with the European Union, emphasizing the significant and influential role played by France. The paper highlights how France acted as a key interlocutor and strategic partner, fostering political dialogue and reinforcing a complex web of legal and institutional frameworks governing mutual obligations and responsibilities. Although the relationship faced notable obstacles and challenges, it demonstrated resilience and a shared commitment to advancing common interests and strategic goals, reflecting an increasing degree of interdependence between the two countries. To explore these dynamics, the study employs a multidisciplinary methodological framework centered on strategic analysis. This approach is supported by event analysis, which enables the identification and examination of key turning points and critical developments influencing bilateral relations. Additionally, content analysis is utilized to systematically evaluate diplomatic communications, policy documents, official statements, and media coverage, providing insight into the narratives and discourses shaping Franco-Turkish interactions. This combined methodological approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the political, diplomatic, and legal factors that drove the evolution of relations between France and Turkey over the examined period.
MAINTAINING POWER THROUGH AGGRESSION: THE AZERBAIJANI EXAMPLE
The takeover of power by Ilham Aliyev over 20 years ago contains all the elements of a non-democratic system. The power thus assumed is perpetuated by so-called elections, which were and are neither free nor fair. The regime arbitrarily disregards the law and citizens are exposed to state attacks without protection. Critical voices from civil society, freedom of the press and freedom of opinion are systematically suppressed on an ongoing basis. The system is not afraid to persecute critical citizens abroad, too. Criticism by foreign powers has been and continues to be mitigated/suppressed by offering lucrative business opportunities and corrupting foreign, predominantly Western politicians. An essential feature of this system without checks and balances is the plundering and distribution of the people’s wealth among a few groups close to the rulers, while at the same time disadvantaging the majority of the population. This system of self-enrichment of those in power can also be observed in the so-called „liberated regions“. Here, too, critical discourse is undesirable. Critics are arrested and imprisoned on trivial pretexts, sometimes even kidnapped from abroad. Some become victims of assassination attempts. This system is not interested in democratic reforms, as they would massively curtail the power of those in power and put a stop to their self-enrichment. Instead of implementing reforms, the system is constantly fuelling a very aggressive nationalism, hatred of its neighbor Armenia and thus distracting from the obvious demands of civil society. The constant territorial demands (West Azerbaijan, Zangezur Corridor, etc.) directed at Armenia have proven to be particularly effective in keeping its own population at bay and avoiding a regime change. It is a widespread phenomenon that autocrats do not renounce their rule and the economic and other advantages associated with it. In the case of Azerbaijan, this forms an important pillar in the continued aggression against Armenia.
Copyright (c) 2025 Raffi Kantian https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE IMPORTANCE OF PARIS-BASED ZHOGHOVURD (PEOPLE) DAILY NEWSPAPER IN RESEARCHING THE ARMENIAN DIASPORA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE FRENCH RESISTANCE (1941-1945)
The participation of the Armenian Diaspora in the French Resistance has been the subject of various historical studies. Numerous documentaries and feature films have been made on this topic, generally focusing on the famous Armenian fighter Missak Manouchian and his heroic group. Over recent years, the memoirs of Armenian Resistance heroes such as Meline Manouchian, Mihran Mavian, Arsène Tchakarian, and others have been published. However, the Armenian Diaspora in France, the majority of whose members were survivors of the 1915 Armenian Genocide, wrote many heroic pages in the history of the Resistance. Unfortunately, many of these events, their participants, and the heroes of those victories remain largely unknown to this day. There are numerous unexplored sources, including Armenian newspapers published in France during the war and the post-war period. One such publication is the Zhoghovurd newspaper, which was issued in Paris under the editorship of Shahe Tatourian from 1943 to 1948. The pages of this newspaper contain many materials written by the participants and witnesses of the events, which could be of significant importance for studying the involvement of the Armenian Diaspora in the French Resistance. The valuable content of this periodical could be divided into several groups. The first group includes the memoirs of the Armenian participants of Resistance about various actions and their friends who lost their lives during different operations. Among this it’s important to note the names of notorious Armenian fighters M.Mavian, A.Konstandinian, D. Davitian and others. The second group contains several components, including information about the number of Armenians who participated in various actions and operations, their biographies, and posthumous commemorations. Particularly interesting is the third group of information from the pages of the Zhoghovurd newspaper. This group includes data on Armenians returning from Nazi death camps, as well as the efforts of the Armenian community to reintegrate and rehabilitate former prisoners.
Copyright (c) 2025 Arshaluys Teteyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE FORMATS AND THE AGENDA OF ORGANIZING PAN-ARMENIAN CONFERENCES IN 1980-2022
Since 1980, several conferences have been held with the participation of representatives of Armenia and the Diaspora, the main purpose of which was to discuss the problems of bilateral cooperation, define the priorities, and clarify future tasks. The question of the necessity of such assemblies was discussed both during the Soviet period and after the restoration of Armenia’s political independence, but the search for the most effective format is still ongoing. Based on the political approaches of this or that government and the imperative to effectively solve the defined problems, these assemblies were held in different formats, from representative meetings to conferences and summits. In this article, the agendas and convening formats of the Armenia-Diaspora conferences are examined, considering them under the historical and political reality of the time.
Copyright (c) 2024 Arman Yeghiazaryan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
BOOK REVIEW: Marc Sinan: Gleißendes Licht. Roman, Bremen: Rowohlt, 2023. 273 pp.
Marc Sinan’s debut novel is the latest contribution of German-language post-genocidal memoir prose. This, in turn, is the latest branch of transnational or internationally distributed fictional and non-fictional literature by authors of Armenian descent. On the one hand, they are in the narrative tradition of the languages they each use; on the other hand, they are united thematically by the intergenerational trauma of the genocide against the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire. In terms of genre, this literature belongs to family novels, and in some cases to travel prose. In Turkey, people of Armenian origin formed a discriminated and socially despised minority until a few years ago. They were virtually invisible. The memoirs of the lawyer and human rights activist Fethiye Cetin ("Anneannem" - My Mother's Mother, 2004) have contributed significantly to the de-tabooing. The author reviewed here writes in German and grew up in Germany, but his clearly autobiographical novel is based on his Turkish-Armenian family history. It is the story of his grandfather Hüseyin Umut, then a 15-year-old boy, who in 1915 observes Armenian children being pushed off his boat into the Black Sea. Later Hüseyin Umut marries Ani, the daughter of a wealthy Armenian. Her grandson Kaan, the author's alter ego, decides as an adult to retaliate and plans to kill the Turkish president.
Copyright (c) 2024 Tessa Hofmann https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
BOOK REVIEW Explanatory Dictionary of Islamic Termsby Davit Hovhannisyan, Yerevan, Eurasia Partnership Foundation, 2024, 120 pages
Copyright (c) 2024 Petrosyan, Sargis Grigoryan, Mushegh Ghahriyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE US PLACE AND ROLE AS A GLOBAL PEACEKEEPER AND PEACEBUILDER: HISTORY AND PROSPECTS IN CHANGING GLOBAL GEOPOLITICAL LANDSCAPE
The paper discusses the US place and role in global peacekeeping operations and peacebuilding processes. First, it traces the transformation of US strategic perception regarding peacekeeping and peacebuilding from 1991 to 2022. Second, on the example of Desert Storm, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria, it reveals the US approaches to the peacekeeping operations and peacebuilding processes at the practical level. Finally, the paper explores potential scenarios for US engagement in the South Caucasus and particularly, in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, based on US strategic approaches and their practical implications. The paper argues that given the current political, geopolitical, and security landscape in the world and South Caucasus, the most realistic scenario may be the US direct diplomatic engagement with major support to the EU mission in Armenia.
Copyright (c) 2024 Ruben Elamiryan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
RUSSIAN AND SOVIET IMPERIAL LEGACY IN POSTCOLONIAL EURASIA: AN OVERVIEW OF THE REVIVED DEBATE
The year 2022, with Russia’s full-scale invasion in Ukraine, has been a milestone that brought the events, in a way, widely expected and predicted, resulting in the obvious long-term trends, and yet, stunning by their dramatic acceleration. That year has also affected both academic and public discourses related to a number of issues, including, most of all, the changing perception of the huge historical, cultural, and geopolitical region - the space of Russian and then Soviet imperial domination, both current and former, both real and imagined, both directly or indirectly subject to Russian economic involvement and political dependency. After 2022, this vast, territorially pulsating region, sometimes called Northern Eurasia, acquired both new existential vulnerability and conceptual fragility. This review paper will suggest some observations concerning the intense discussions about the cultural-historical meaning, both retrospectively and prospectively, of this Russia-affected regional space - the discussions that broke out after the start of the Ukraine war. I draw upon both published generalized opinions and regular scholarly publications related to the outlined themes. My goal here is to identify major trends in these discussions and share some comments. A storm of debates has been trying to interpret the aggressive internal and external mobilization of Putin’s regime in several explanatory logics. It could be, first, the logic of post-Soviet developments (the evolution of the elites, the features of available resources, the misbalances of state-society relationships, etc.); or the logic of the longue-durée patterns of the Russian social and cultural history (dominant political culture, deeply-imbedded cultural mythologies, etc.); or, finally, placing the problem within a wider logic of contestation (“clashes”) between the evolving global centers of power. In all these cases, one factor should be stated as crucial and definitive: the huge continental space of Northern Eurasia, a unique geographical-spatial system that largely defined the logic of integration and disintegration, solidarities and rivalries, violence and resistance, cultural imagination, entangled identity formation, and the very nature of the state rule. The empire that twice emerged on this geographical space – as the Romanov Empire first and then the Soviet Union (with additional claims of influence beyond the official borders, in both cases) – is now under the most passionate scrutiny because of the dominant postcolonial and decolonial agenda and the assumption that Putin’s aggression in Ukraine indicates imperial revenge. Hence the growing interest in the nature of this imperial system throughout its history.
Copyright (c) 2024 Alexander Agadjanian, Agadjanian https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
FALSIFICATION OF THE HISTORY OF YEREVAN AND ARTSAKH IN AZERBAIJANI SCHOOLTEXTBOOKS (GENERAL OBSERVATIONS)
Azerbaijani authors, unable to deny the presence of Armenians in Artsakh, present the latter as Christian Aghvans who later became Armenian for one reason or another, and later show their presence in Artsakh and elsewhere as a consequence of the Russian resettlement policy, which contradicts historical realities, because the presence of Armenians in the area in question has been evidenced since ancient times. In the same way, Azerbaijani authors try in every possible way to reject any fact of the presence of Armenians in the current territory of Republic of Armenia, but their attempts contradict the information of Armenian and foreign sources, where, on the contrary, the presence of Armenians in the territory of their own homeland is proven in all eras of history. In the history of Azerbaijan, we are witnessing absolute Armenian hatred, because during the entire narrative of their history, Azerbaijani authors strive to reject everything Armenian, both in the territory of the Republic of Armenia and in Artsakh, not stopping at any falsehood on this path. The examples given, where the writings of Azerbaijanis have no justifications or one writing contradicts the other, are vivid proofs of the mentioned.
Copyright (c) 2024 Arman Yeghiazaryan, Ara Hovhannisyan, Armine Chiroyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
CHINA’S POLICY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
The paper examines the policy of the People's Republic of China in the South Caucasus. The main task of the research is to highlight the political, economic and cultural factors that strongly affect the formation of China’s foreign policy in the region. China’s policy in the South Caucasus has become more active in the last decade, which is primarily due to the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative and China's growing interests in the region. The study of the South Caucasian vector of China's foreign policy is quite actual among the researchers of both Armenia and other countries of the region. However, we consider it necessary to explore official Beijing's regional policies in the context of a comparative analysis. The need to explore the issue has especially heightened after the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, as it transformed Beijing's political interests and changed its behavior in the region. Though China's interests in the South Caucasus are primarily measured in the context of the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, in fact, it can be the most important, but only one aspect of China’s growing interests in the region. In the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian military action, which started in 2022, the given topic becomes even more relevant. In the paper we have tried to observe the development process of China's South Caucasian policy in dynamics, as well as to highlight the factors that influence the formation of Beijing’s policy behavior. On the other hand, we have set a task to consider the possible scenarios of the development of relations between China and the countries of the the South Caucasus region as well as the possible scenarios for the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative in the South Caucasus.
Copyright (c) 2024 Karapetyan Roman https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
REASSESSING ARMENIA’S STANCE ON THE ROME STATUTE: CONSTITUTIONAL COMPLIANCE AND POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS FOR ARMENIA
The Republic of Armenia signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 1999 but found it unconstitutional in 2004. After constitutional amendments in 2005 and 2015, the issue resurfaced. In March 2023, Armenia’s Constitutional Court declared the Statute constitutional, allowing the continuation of the ratification process. This could enable the examination of issues related to Azerbaijan’s aggression in the ICC. The ICC’s recent issuance of an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin has gained attention in Armenian media. In this article, I will first provide background information on the ICC. Next, I will examine the two decisions of the Constitutional Court. Finally, and most importantly, I will discuss the potential political and foreign policy implications of the ratification of the Statute.
Copyright (c) 2024 Albert Hayrapetyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE NEW WORLD ORDER AND THE STRATEGIC SECURITY SITUATION IN THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST AND INDO-PACIFIC REGIONS
The paper addresses the transformation of the world order and the geopolitical and strategic processes taking place within its framework, especially the developments in the Greater Middle East and the Indo-Pacific region, their main actors and political ambitions. In 2020, the Artsakh war and subsequent developments created a new geo-strategic and geo-economic situation for Armenia. In light of this and subsequent events, we see that the system of international relations has entered a highly complex and even chaotic period, which includes a vast region from the Atlantic coast of Europe to the Pacific coast of the Far East. In this context, there are discussed the two geostrategic concepts emerging in the international discourse regarding the Greater Middle East and the Indo-Pacific macro-regions. The paper analyzes the processes, unfolding in those regions, including the US policies and strategies, as well as their implications, the factors of China and India as the main actors, formed and emerging alliances, as well as cooperation formats. The transformation of the global world order and the formation of the new geopolitical regions of the Greater Middle East, Central Asia and the Indo-Pacific portend great dramatic changes. The struggle of great powers or power centers (USA, China, India, Iran, Turkey, Europe, Russia) in the mentioned regions is becoming the core of modern world politics. Thus, it can be confirmed that the Greater Middle East and Indo-Pacific macro-regions are moving towards each other, due to which a completely new situation is emerging, which is significantly different from both the post-Cold War world order and the global order established after September 11, 2001.
Copyright (c) 2024 SUREN BAGHDASARYAN https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH (ARTSAKH) CONFLICT AND THE ORGANIZATION OF TURKIC STATES (OTS)
The main purpose of this research is to analyze the main goals of discussions around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the attitudes of Turkic-speaking republics towards the issue in the summits of Turkic-speaking states, as well as in the Turkic Council and the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). The OTS is an institutional structure that organizes Turkic integration processes. As integration processes deepen in the Turkic world, challenges to Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh will increase. The research demonstrates that in previous decades, Türkiye and Azerbaijan tried to give the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict a pan-Turkic character and form a united anti-Armenian front, but the Turkic-speaking republics of Central Asia have mostly maintained neutrality. On the other hand, after the 44-Day War, Türkiye began the process of Turkic integration, which includes the political, economic, educational, cultural, security, and information fields. The strengthening of this integration would pose serious challenges to the region, particularly for Armenia, in various aspects such as economics, politics, and security.
Copyright (c) 2024 Nelli Minasyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The paper deals with aspects of the collective memory of Armenians, illustrated by two recent examples. Against the background of the current disputes over Arzach, some historical components are drawn upon. At the beginning the erection of the monument in memory of the Nemesis operation in 1920-1922 in April this year is analyzed. This leads back to the 19th century, the time of increasing penetration of the Ottoman Empire by the great European powers in its effects on the Armenian nation, as expressed in the term "Armenian Question". This is combined with the German left's view on this matter. Finally, a discussion of the interweaving of the right to self-determination (SDR) and the right to territorial integrity (TI) follows in this context.
Copyright (c) 2024 JÜRGEN GISPERT https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
THE EFFECT OF GLOBAL GEOPOLITICAL COMPETITION ON THE FORMATION OF THE SOUTH CAUCASUS SECURITY COMPLEX: THE STRATEGIC MODELING OF ARMENIA'S SECURITY POLICY
This scientific article explores the intricate dynamics between global geopolitical competition and the formation of the South Caucasus security complex, with a specific focus on Armenia's security policy. After the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh war and the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the geopolitical significance of the South Caucasus is beginning to change. In the conditions of the deepening of the Ukrainian crisis, the global importance of the South Caucasus is highlighted as an important economic corridor of strategic communication in the "north-south" and "east-west" directions. The region is entering a complex period of strategic competition with increasing security dependence and vulnerability from global geopolitical processes. It also creates new security threats for the restoration of the balance of power in the South Caucasus and the reconstruction of the security complex. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, Central and South Asia create new security threats for maintaining the security balance of the South Caucasus. The trends of increasing influence of hybrid threats in the Middle Eastern region are beginning to spread in the South Caucasus as well. Based on all this, the strategic modeling of Armenia's security policy is presented in the article. It can have a guiding role in the process of developing the priorities of Armenia's foreign policy. Through strategic modeling, the article elucidates possible future scenarios for Armenia's security policy, considering varying degrees of global geopolitical competition and regional instability. This modeling enables us to better anticipate the potential trajectories of Armenia's security choices and their consequences for regional stability and security dynamics. Moreover, it highlights the interconnectedness of South Caucasus security with broader global geopolitics, emphasizing the need for a nuanced and multidimensional approach to understanding the security complex in this region
Copyright (c) 2024 Rafik Avetisyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
ARMENIAN MASSACRES, GENOCIDE, FREEDOM-FIGHTING AND ARMENIAN ARTISTS
The Armenian massacres, Genocide organized in the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, Armenian-Tatar** (Azeri) clashes in the early 20th century, were real catastrophes for the Armenian people. The loss of the essential part of the historical homeland, deportation and organized mass killings of people, the appearance of thousands and thousands of orphans, the loss of property and cultural monuments, the loss of historical memory were very painful for the survivors during many decades. The armed resistance of the inhabitants of certain cities and villages are heroic pages of the Armenian history of the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Numerous Armenian artists portrayed in their artworks the tragic and heroic events of that period. Certain artists miraculously heard the stories of sufferings from refugees, the others miraculously survived escaping arrests, or lost family members, many children saw the deaths of their parents and relatives inside paternal houses or during the death marches in Syrian deserts, and some of those who grew up in orphanages, became artists. Thus, the Armenian massacres, Genocide and national liberation struggle became the subjects of the Armenian painters and sculptors during many decades.
Copyright (c) 2024 Levon Choogaszyan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
ARZACHS UNTERGANG – HISTORISCHE TRAGÖDIE UND ALARMZEICHEN FÜR DIE REPUBLIK ARMENIEN
In violation of the prohibition of the use of force under international law, the armed forces of Azerbaijan destroyed the Republic of Artsakh during the 78th session of the UN General Assembly (19/20 September 2023). Russia's armed "peacemaking contingent", which has been stationed there since 2020 to protect the Karabakh Armenians, has not intervened. The lifting of the blockade of the Latchin Corridor (September 24, 2023) led to the exodus of all Karabakh Armenians to Armenia within a week. The destruction of Artsakh is a breach of international law. It could have been prevented by Russia and the international community if they had wanted to. Armenia's political agenda now includes the integration of Karabakh refugees, the delimitation and demarcation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, the unblocking of transport links in the region and the conclusion of a peace treaty with Azerbaijan.
Copyright (c) 2024 Otto Luchterhandt https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
DER 44-TÄGIGE KRIEG ALS KAMPF UM PROFITABLE GESCHÄFTE
In der vorliegenden Analyse werden einige der wesentlichen wirtschaftlichen Profiteure des 44-tägigen Krieges vom Herbst 2020 Aserbaidschans und seiner Verbündeten gegen Berg-Karabach vorgestellt. Daraus abgeleitet wird versucht, die Durchsetzung von wirtschaftlichen Interessen - neben innenpolitischen und geopolitischen Zielvorstellungen – als eine ergänzende Motivation für Aserbaidschans und seiner Verbündeten Aggression gegen Berg-Karabach indirekt in den Raum zu stellen. Es werden dabei aufschlussreiche Erläuterungen nicht nur zur Dimension des wirtschaftlichen Gewinnstrebens der Aggressoren, sondern auch zu dessen Charakter und den sich daraus ergebenden Geschäftspartnerschaften gegeben.
Copyright (c) 2024 Raffi Kantian https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
VERLEUGNUNG OHNE ENDE? GRÜNDE DER NICHTANERKENNUNG UND CHANCEN EINER ANERKENNUNG DER VÖLKERMORDE IN DER TÜRKEI
This article uses a historical-analytical approach to address the question of why there are no approaches to deal with the history of the genocides on both the state-political and societal levels in Turkey. For this purpose, the article sheds light on the genesis of the state and the state ideology of Turkey. The effort of the state ideology and the state is to exaggerate the national history on the one hand and to exclude the history of genocides on the other hand. Against this background, the author argues that there is an almost unbridgeable gap between the normativity of the demands for recognition and reappraisal of the genocides in Turkey and the actual political and social reality. A reappraisal and recognition of the genocides of 1915 would deeply shake the construction of the national ideology of the Republic of Turkey. Finally, the article addresses the question of the necessity of a recognition process and the chances of a recognition and reappraisal of the genocides for the society of Turkey.
Copyright (c) 2024 Eran Gunduz https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
DER EINSATZ VON JOHANNES LEPSIUS ZUM ABWENDEN DES GENOZIDS AN DEN ARMENIERN IN DEN WELTKRIEGSJAHREN
Mit voller Entschlossenheit und Überanspannung all seiner Kräfte leistete Lepsius dem Genozid an den Armeniern, diesem ersten großen Völkermord des 20. Jahrhunderts, Widerstand. Im Sommer 1915 reiste er nach Konstantinopel, wo er Hintergrundinformationen und Materialien über die Ereignisse sammelte. Bei einem Treffen mit dem osmanisch-türkischen Kriegsminister Enver versuchte Lepsius vergeblich, diesen von seiner Vernichtungsabsicht abzubringen. Als er nach seiner Rückkehr nach Berlin feststellen musste, dass die deutsche Regierung trotz genauer Kenntnis über die türkische Vernichtungspolitik nicht gewillt war, sich ihrem Bündnispartner in den Weg zu stellen, versuchte er, die beiden großen deutschen Kirchen zu mobilisieren, um über sie Druck auf die Regierung auszuüben. Doch auch dieser Ansatz blieb erfolglos. Es gelang ihm letztlich nicht, die hinnehmende deutsche Position zu durchbrechen, im Gegenteil: Am 6. Oktober 1915 verfügte die deutsche Regierung, dass bis zum Kriegsende mediales und öffentliches Schweigen zur Lage der Armenier herrschen solle. Alle, auch die beiden deutschen Kirchen fügten sich dieser Anordnung und den daraus abgeleiteten Zensurbestimmungen der Regierung. Allein Lepsius selbst blieb eine Ausnahme; er überwarf sich deswegen sogar mit der Deutschen Orient-Mission. Auf der Grundlage der ihm zur Verfügung stehenden Dokumente veröffentlichte er seinen vertraulichen „Bericht über die Lage des armenischen Volkes in der Türkei“, den er sämtlichen deutschen evangelischen Gemeinden, den Reichstagsabgeordneten sowie verschiedenen sonstigen Institutionen und Personen zukommen ließ. Anschließend wich er ins Exil aus, wo er seine karitative Tätigkeit für die Überlebenden der Todesmärsche und Massaker fortsetzte. Nach Kriegsende nach Berlin zurückgekehrt, entfaltete er auch in Deutschland allerlei Aktivitäten zur Verurteilung der türkischen Verbrechen bzw. zum Beistand der überlebenden Armenier. Als Organisator, Publizist, Theologe und christlich geprägter Mitmensch stand Lepsius bis zu seinem relativ frühen Tod den Armeniern zur Seite und setzte sich nach Kräften für deren Rechte ein.
Copyright (c) 2024 Ashot Hayruni https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The examples described here show that wars not only provide occasions and camouflage for carrying out genocidal intentions, but degenerate into wars of extermination when intentions of conquest and subjugation merge with intentions of extermination. Military defeats do not diminish the intentions of annihilation, but even increase them. On the other hand, military interventions can serve to prevent genocide or to liberate threatened groups, if carried out in time. However, it is often the fear of states of becoming involved in armed conflicts that prevents such timely interventions. In the case of starvation blockades during and after wars, it can be seen that there are factors that reinforce this crime: In the German case, the famine of the German and Ottoman populations was exacerbated by organizational incompetence in the German case and genocidal intent in the Ottoman; in the Ottoman example, Ahmet Cemal, as governor of Syria, prevented crops from being brought into ‘his’ province affected by the blockade. In the case of the Leningrad blockade, it was the continued Stalinist policy of repression and the enrichment of the functionary caste that added to Nazi Germany’s genocide.
THE EPIC AND HISTORICAL FORMS OF INTERRELATION BETWEEN HERO AND PEOPLE IN THE ARMENIAN IDENTITY
Comparing Hero-People interrelationship in the Armenian Epic and Historical Life (from XIX to the end of XX century), the article expresses an idea that there are obvious significant similarities between them. But if the development of events in the epic is a “happy end” – the heroes overcome the enemy, in the real world the same events may have and often have tragic consequences for people. In fact, both in the Armenian epos and in the real world, there is a tendency of break up, distrust and misunderstanding and opposing psychological stances between the heroes (rebels) and the people (conformist-adaptive ones). The people, who are the conformists, want to live freely, independently but they do not want to change their “secure” slavery status at the expense of deprivations and sacrifices. They consider rebellion attempts and liberation struggle meaningless. In their turn, the heroes are not really familiar with the psychology and thinking of conformist people, the situation, the political intentions of the external enemies, strength and weaknesses of the enemy, they do not meet the resistance of the people, and without waiting for people’s participation, without serious calculations, start their brave and crazy actions. Heroes and people live in non-negotiable worlds.
Copyright (c) 2022 Seyran Zakaryan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0