Vol. 1 No. 1 (2024)

					View Vol. 1 No. 1 (2024)

The inaugural issue of the Journal of Iranian Linguistics brings together groundbreaking research on Iranian languages, exploring diverse linguistic aspects such as phonology, syntax, historical linguistics, and dialectology. Each article offers new insights into the unique characteristics and development of Iranian languages, underscoring the journal’s mission to advance the understanding and appreciation of this linguistic family. This first edition sets the stage for further scholarly dialogue and discovery in Iranian linguistics.

Published: 2024-11-13

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Articles

  • Articles

    Where the Demons Fell. A Manichaean Sogdian Manuscript in Sogdian Script from Mani’s Book of the Giants

    Enrico Morano
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    Abstract

    Two unpublished Sogdian fragments in Sogdian Script of the Berlin Turfan collection, both from the same page and glassed together, contain a cosmogonic text on the falling of the demons/archons to the four directions of the earth and part of the myth of the creation of the protoplasts by the archdemons Šaqlūn and Pēsūs. This text will be proposed here as part of the Sogdian version of Mani’s Book of the Giants.

    References

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    Gershevitch, I. (1954), A Grammar of Manichean Sogdian, Oxford: Basil Blackwell [repr. 1961].

    Henning, W. B. (1940), Sogdica, (James G. Forlong Fund, 21), London: The Royal Asiatic Society [= Henning 1977, II, pp. 1-68].

    Henning, W. B. (1943), “The Book of the Giants” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 11/1, pp. 52-74 [= Henning 1977, II, 115-37].

    Henning, W. B. (1977), (M. Boyce & I. Gershevitch eds.) Selected Papers, I-II, (Acta Iranica, 2ème série, 14-15. Hommages et Opera Minora, V-VI), Téhéran-Liège: Bibliothèque Pahlavi.

    Morano, E. (2011), “New Research on Mani’s Book of Giants”, in: Der östliche Manichäismus Gattungs- und Werksgeschichte: Vorträge des Göttinger Symposiums vom 4.–5. März 2010. Edited by Zekine Özertural and Jens Wilkens. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen NS 17, Berlin-Boston: De Gruyter, pp. 101-111.

    Morano, E. (2016), “Some New Sogdian Fragments Related to Mani’s Book of Giants and the Problem of the Influence of Jewish Enochic Literature”, in: M. Goff, L. T. Stuckenbruck & E. Morano (eds.), Ancient Tales of Giants from Qumran and Turfan. Contexts, Traditions, and Influences (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen Zum Neuen Testament 360), Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, pp. 187-198.

    Pedersen, N. A. & J. M. Larsen (2013), Manichaean Texts in Syriac. First Editions, New Editions, and Studies, (Corpus Fontium Manichaeorum. Series Syriaca I), Turnhout: Brepols.

    Reck, Ch. (2006), Mitteliranische Handschriften. Teil 1: Berliner Turfanfragmente manichäischen Inhalts in soghdischer Schrift (VOHD 18), Stuttgart: Steiner.

    Reeves, J. C. (1992), Jewish Lore in Manichaean Cosmogony. Studies in the Book of Giants Traditions, Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press.

    Sims-Williams, N. & Durkin-Meisterernst, D. (2022), Dictionary of Manichaean Sogdian and Bactrian. Second edition, revised and enlarged by Nicholas Sims-Williams, (Corpus Fontium Manichaeorum. Dictionary of Manichaean Texts. Vol. III. Texts from Central Asia and China, part 2), Turnhout: Brepols.

    Stuckenbruck, L. (1997), The Book of Giants from Qumran.Texts, Translation, and Commentary. (Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 63), Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.

    Sundermann, W. (1994), “Mani’s ‘Book of the Giants’ and the Jewish books of Enoch: a case of terminological difference and what it implies”, Irano-Judaica III, Jerusalem: Ben Zvi, pp. 40-48.

    Sundermann, W. (2001), Manichaica Iranica. Ausgewählte Schriften, herausgegeben von Chr. Reck, D. Weber, C. Leurini, A. Panaino, 2 vols, (Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIX, 1) Rome: IsIAO.

    Yoshida, Y. (2008), Review of Reck, Christiane, Mitteliranische Handschriften Teil I:Berliner Turfanfragmente manichäischen Inhalts in soghdischer Schrift, in Indo Iranian Journal, vol. 51, pp. 51-61.

  • Articles

    A New Possible Etymology for the Classical Persian Particle mar

    Hassan Rezai Baghbidi
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    Abstract

    The etymology of the Classical Persian particle mar, which is traditionally believed to have an emphatic or restrictive sense, has long been an enigma to scholars of Iranian philology and Persian linguistics, esp. because there is no trace of it in the extant Middle Persian texts. Different etymologies have so far been proposed for mar, but it is often compared with the Early Judaeo-Persian preposition azmar (i) “for” and therefore believed to have originated from the word mar “number; account”. The present paper reviews all previous studies and attempts to provide a new possible etymology, according to which mar is a focus marker derived through a grammaticalization process from the Bactrian word μαρο [mar] “here”.

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  • Articles

    On the syntax of the Persian classical narrative poetry: constructions with a past participle in the Shāhnāme

    Paola Orsatti
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    Abstract

    This paper aims to describe a particular syntactic construction: that of dependent constructions (clauses, phrases) with a verb in the form of a past participle. Examples of them are mainly taken from Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāme and texts of early poetry, where they represent a prominent and well-attested linguistic phenomenon, but examples from early prose texts have also been given. In the Shāhnāme and early poetry texts, constructions with a past participle are usually placed after a clause with a finite verb in the past tense. They are endowed with a series of syntactic and semantic functions which are not always distinguishable from each other, such as adnominal relativizing, or adverbial modification through phrases or clauses, or predicative complement to the verb. Of these, only participial constructions with an adverbial value, mainly expressing time, but also manner, cause, and other relations, continue up to the present, though in a more rigid form: they are placed before the main clause, and have the value of a subordinate adverbial clause indicating anteriority to the action of the main clause.

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  • Articles

    About šekam and šotor: The Development of the Initial Vs/šC- in Middle and New Persian

    Salman Aliyari Babolghani
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    Abstract

    The purpose of this paper is to survey the phonological evolution of the initial sequence Vs/šC- in Persian as reflected, for instance, in Middle Persian iškamb > New Persian šekam ‘belly’, and to explore philological issues associated with this evolution.

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  • Articles

    The Khonji Dialect of Lārestān

    Habib Borjian
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    Abstract

    Southwest Iranian languages are significantly underrepresented in academic literature, lacking comprehensive descriptions. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the Lārestāni language variety spoken in Khonj, which is otherwise poorly known. In phonology, it is shown that uvular stops and fricatives have only recently infiltrated the Khonji sound system. Khonji stands out in the construction of noun phrases due to the presence of a deictic suffix and an intricate system of adpositions. The verb inflection in Khonji is notable for its ten identified aspectual and modal affixes. Combinations of these affixes give rise to a system of five simple tenses (surpassing the previously identified four), alongside corresponding progressive tenses, supplemented by at least four identified subjunctive tenses. The binary stative-dynamic distinctions in posture verbs, as illustrated in a diagram for 'sit', align more closely with English than Persian. Ergativity is prominently manifested through two sets of person markers, creating phrases similar to Middle Persian and counterintuitive to New Persian. Experiencer constructions characterize the expressions of possession and modals in the language.

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  • Articles

    EZAFE IN THE CONTEXT OF CPS: Evidence from three Iranian languages

    Songül Gündoğdu , Arsalan Kahnemuyipour, Marcel den Dikken
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    Abstract

    The present study investigates the distribution of the Ezafe (EZ) morpheme in adnominal clauses in three Iranian languages, namely Persian, Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish), and Zazaki, demonstrating that the behavior of EZ in these languages challenges the case analysis of EZ, suggesting instead a compatibility with the inversion analysis of EZ. In contrast to the prediction made by the case analysis, it is shown that EZ is required before [–N] modifiers such as CPs. First, EZ is consistently used in restrictive relative clauses (RCs) in all three languages, with Persian using an allomorph of EZ in this context, contrasting with Kurmanji and Zazaki, which use the regular form of EZ. Non-restrictive RCs present divergence: while Persian does not allow EZ in this environment, Zazaki and Kurmanji employ regular and anaphoric EZ (AEZ) forms, respectively. Following de Vries (2006), non-restrictive RCs are treated as restrictive RCs with a silent head, aligning the distribution of EZ in these languages with its distribution after a silent noun: Persian lacks EZ here, while Zazaki and Kurmanji use EZ and AEZ, respectively. Second, in Noun-Complement Clauses (NCCs), Kurmanji and Zazaki consistently use regular EZ, while Persian offers two options: the allomorph of EZ used with CPs or no EZ at all. Two possible structures are proposed for NCCs, one with and one without inversion, attributing the distribution of EZ to the structure involving inversion. This study shows that EZ is present in CP contexts and its distribution in these languages follows from the general behaviour of EZ and the syntax of N-CP structures.  

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  • Articles

    Mirativity in Persian

    Mohammad Rasekh-Mahand
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    Abstract

    Mirativity, as a distinct grammatical category, could be marked by different markers and strategies. In this paper, it is argued that, contrary to previous studies, Persian marks mirativity by using morphosyntactic forms. Three different grammatical tools are identified. First, it has a sentence final clitic ‘’ used as mirative marker on its own right. It indicates that the information is newsworthy, unexpected and surprising. Second, the sentence final particle 'ke', among its different functions, marks mirativity, as well. Third, using different perfect verb forms in Persian is a mirative strategy, which is strongly connected to indirect evidentiality. The data from Persian widens our understanding of mirativity cross-linguistically, showing that a language could have different ways to mark it simultaneously.

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  • Articles

    Low vowel dissimilation in Mazandarani

    Mohsen Mahdavi Mazdeh, Sarah Nehzati
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    Abstract

    Similar patterns of vowel change in loanword adaptation have been documented for several Iranian languages and language varieties including Mazandarani. However, no convincing accounts of the nature of these processes in Mazandarani have been presented in the literature. We argue that for this language, these vowel alternations are best explained as low vowel dissimilation, a process affecting adjacent syllables with low vowels whereby one of the vowels is raised. Low vowel dissimilation is typologically rare, with the overwhelming majority of the cases identified belonging to the Oceanic family. To show that the vowel changes in question are indeed cases of low vowel dissimilation, we invoke evidence from the language’s verbal morphophonology where vowel changes show a more regular behavior and then expand the analysis to loanword adaptation. The dialects discussed in the articles are those of Amol, Reineh, and Babol. The two vowels that trigger the process in Mazandarani are the low vowels /æ/ and /ɑ/, but only the former can undergo change. We show that unlike almost all other known cases of this phenomenon, it is the second vowel that undergoes raising in the Mazandarani case in many situations, with this seemingly being the preferred way in the dialect of Babol. We end the paper with a discussion of why the two low vowels behave differently, suggesting that /ɑ/’s resistance to change is due to the fact that it is a long vowel phonologically, even if not phonetically.

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