Vol. 3 No. 31 (2026): 2026-1

This article examines Soviet administrative and nationality policies in the South Caucasus, using the examples of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh. From the perspective of Georgia, which was doubly affected, these policies were guided by the imperial principle of “divide and conquer”; from the perspective of the affected ethnic groups—Abkhazians, (South) Ossetians, and Karabakh Armenians—they were characterized by the violation of the right to national self-determination. The latter, along with the right to secession and the principle of territorial integrity, were enshrined in all Soviet constitutions (1918, 1924, 1936, and 1977), yet in late- and post-Soviet reality, they constituted irreconcilable principles of international law.

The independence and irredentist aspirations of the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, located on the border with the Russian Federation, received economic, financial and military support from Russia, enabling them to escape Georgian control since the 1990s and, at the latest, since 2008. In the conflict between Azerbaijan and the irredentist movement of Nagorno-Karabakh as well as the Republic of Armenia, however, Russia remained passive or dashed Armenian hopes, not least due to energy policy considerations and in opposition to the pro-Western course of the current Armenian government, whose prime minister has endorsed Azerbaijan's claims to Karabakh since October 2022. The Azerbaijani starvation blockade and deportation of the Armenian population in 2023 were classified as genocide by international and national human rights organizations and marked the end of the De Facto Republic of Artsakh.

The last part of this article addresses inconsistencies in international law regarding separatism and irredentism. Using the European examples of Kosovo, Catalonia, and Scotland, the inconsistent approval or rejection of such separatism is explained, and the respective motives are examined. In the concluding discussion, we take as our starting point the assertion by political scientist Stephen Krasner, who speaks of “organized hypocrisy”: states profess adherence to norms of international law but apply them in a highly selective manner.

This article examines the dynamics of France-Turkey relations between 2012 and 2019, a period marked by recurring tensions yet characterized overall by structural continuity and sustained engagement. It argues that, beyond shifting geopolitical developments, bilateral relations were significantly shaped by the evolving domestic and foreign policy priorities, strategic recalibrations, and changing perceptions of both states. These transformations influenced the scope and direction of political dialogue and multi-sectoral cooperation. Despite periodic crises, deep-rooted interdependence functioned as a stabilizing factor, ensuring the preservation and relative continuity of the relationship throughout the period under study.

To analyze these dynamics, the study adopts a multidisciplinary methodological framework grounded in strategic analysis. This is complemented by event analysis, which facilitates the identification and examination of pivotal moments and significant developments shaping bilateral relations. Furthermore, content analysis is employed to systematically assess diplomatic communications, policy documents, official statements, and media coverage, offering insights into the narratives and discourses influencing Franco–Turkish interactions. By integrating these methods, the study achieves a nuanced understanding of the political, diplomatic, and legal factors that guided the evolution of France–Turkey relations throughout the period under review.

Following the 44-day war of 2020, Azerbaijan has been consistently reshaping its role and position in international politics. In this context, its relations with regional powers, primarily Russia, are of particular interest. This study examines how Azerbaijan’s official rhetoric constructs and shapes the narrative around the perception of Russia. The research focuses on how Baku’s official discourse, operating within the realities of 2020-2025, balances the concurrent and competing perceptions of Russia as both a “threat” and an “ally”.

The research demonstrates that Azerbaijan employs a model of “symmetric partnership”, where the allied relationship does not imply political dependence. Instead, it serves to advance economic and security interests while maintaining ample room for geopolitical maneuvering.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the long-standing conflicts in the Middle East, whose impact and repercussions extend beyond the borders of the region. This article examines the positions of the South Caucasus states (Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan) on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and aims to show how foreign policy priorities and alliances, as well as existing ties with the conflicting parties, influence these positions. The importance of the topic is also due to the war that began in 2023 between Israel and the Hamas group. The situation in the conflict zone also affects the South Caucasus, considering the security and energy ties between the two regions. The study was conducted based on the analysis of official positions, voting results on United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) resolutions, and other documents. The study shows that the three South Caucasus states support the “two-state solution” principle, but the approaches expressing this differ, taking into account each country's alliances and foreign policy interests.

This article presents the structure, content, and pedagogical-methodological features of the university course Foundations of Archaeology and the Archaeology of Armenia, taught within the History educational program at the Faculty of Humanities, YSU Ijevan Branch. The course aims to facilitate students’ development of a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the multilayered historical past through the integration of written (historical) sources with archaeological data.

The article emphasises the role of archaeology as a foundational historical discipline, the importance of applying interdisciplinary and contemporary teaching methods, and the need to cultivate analytical and critical thinking skills in future historians.