| E - ISSN | : | 3045-3100 |
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The article discusses the main aspects of European energy security and the U.S. perspectives (engagement and interests). Therefore, the brief theoretical framework of energy policy and energy security is presented in the beginning through summarizing and generalizing a number of theoretical definitions. Afterwards, on the base of relevant statistical data analysis and summarizing the main contemporary issues towards ensuring European Union’s (EU) energy security are referred to: lack of own fuel and energy resources (particularly in the face of growing demand), predominance of imported energy in the overall structure of energy consumption (external energy dependence), the large share of a limited number of external energy suppliers. In the context of the above mentioned issues and challenges, the main priorities and ways of U.S. involvement and contribution to European energy security are revealed, grouped and analyzed in a systemized manner: supporting the further regional diversification of the EU’s energy import, legislative, institutional and financial support, providing with direct energy alternatives (particularly, liquefied natural gas), etc.
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The article considers the key aspects of the US energy diplomacy in the context of the transformation of the global energy market at the present stage. The main strategic documents of the U.S., affecting the problems of energy security and energy strategy, are studied. The features of the concepts of "energy dominance" (Trump) and "energy independence" (Nixon) are presented from the point of view of their implementation in the context of modern political and economic challenges. The structure of the U.S. energy balance is considered, which made it possible to determine the level of dependence on external supplies of hydrocarbon raw materials, especially oil. The priorities of the U.S. in the hydrocarbon market (both natural gas and oil) and renewable energy are studied through the prism of the climate agenda (in particular, the 2015 Paris agreement). Special attention is paid to the issues of liquefied natural gas (LNG) export from the U.S., especially towards European markets. The key risks and challenges of US energy diplomacy in the context of the conflict in Ukraine as well as geopolitical confrontation with Russia are identified. The US energy strategy in the South Caucasus is considered. The main features of the U.S. energy cooperation with Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan in the context of geopolitical challenges are revealed.
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The article analyzes the US policy in the South Caucasus in the context of implementing the "Southern gas corridor" project. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 the energy geopolitics has been one of the critical pillars shaping the US regional policy in the South Caucasus. The US strategic goal was to facilitate the transportation of Caspian oil and gas to the European markets circumventing Russia. The US played a vital role in fostering the construction of Baku - Tbilisi - Ceyhan oil and Baku - Tbilisi - Erzurum gas pipelines. Since the mid-2000s, the US has put significant efforts to launch the "Southern gas corridor," which envisaged the transportation of Azerbaijani gas to the European market through the Transanatolian and Trans-Adriatic gas pipelines. The southern gas corridor became operational in late December 2020 and would provide 10 billion cubic meters of gas to Italy, Bulgaria, and Greece annualy. Even though Azerbaijan does not possess sufficient gas reserves to challenge Gazprom positions in Europe, the US views the Southern gas corridor project as a significant contribution to the establishment of alternative energy transportation routes to Europe, perceiving this within the prism of evolving great power competition between the US, Russia, and China
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This study is a comparative analysis of the United States - Iran relations and the resultant security and geo-economic implications on Armenia and beyond. It deals with the fundamentals of regional security and geopolitical and economic imperatives of the United States, Iran, and Armenia. Notwithstanding a solid rationale for mutually beneficial economic and political partnership, the Iranian nuclear issue and the relations of enmity between the United States and Iran have generated mutual mistrust making the reconciliation initiatives difficult. Hence, the paper takes into consideration the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The normalization of the US-Iran relations will fundamentally transform the regional security architecture. The issue is of crucial relevance for Armenia. The paper utilizes the materialist and constructivist framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, par excellence the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), to contextualize both the geostrategic ideas and practices. The empirical starting point for this study is the fact that Iran – with its vast energy reserves, huge export potential, and key geopolitical location in Eurasia – has the potential to become a regional stabilizer and significantly diminish the geopolitical and geo-economic challenges of the wider region opening a myriad of opportunities for Armenia as a transit route to Europe. Effectively this can happen with the US-Iran rapprochement. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand the structure of regional security and prospects of stability vis-à-vis grand geopolitical designs.
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The E3/EU+3 includes the European 3: France, the United Kingdom, Germany together with the European Union (EU) plus the United States, Russia, and China.
Yepremyan, Tigran, “Armenia Within the Complex of ‘Overlapping Authority and Multiple Loyalty’: Security Challenges,” In: The European Union and The Eastern Partnership: Security Challenges. Ed. Vasile Cucerescu, Carlos E. Pacheco Amaral, Ioan Horga [et al.]. Supplement to Eurolimes Journal, 2018, pp. 227-241.
Yepremyan, Tigran, “The Geopolitical Dimension of the Eastern Partnership: An Alternative to Solution.” European Studies Journal, № 10, Eastern Partnership: Self-Determination and Geopolitics / Geoculture (II), 2017, pp. 89–108.
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Besides international structural factors, Turkish domestic level variables and socio-political processes are also essential for Turkish foreign policy transformation. The article considers current unprecedented crisis in Turkish-US relations in the context of Turkish social-political processes. In the general trend of securitization of Turkish foreign policy anti-Westernism and anti-Americanism in Turkey are in progress, which is the outcome of discursive hegemony of the ruling AKP. On the one hand, anti-Americanism and the demonization of USA’s image gives Erdogan a useful tool in conservative, nationalist support mobilization in the country. On the other hand, he tries to impose Turkey’s image in the international realm as an assertive power of resistance against the Western hegemony in the Islamic world․
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Լևոն Հովսեփյան, “Թուրքական արդի քաղաքական-անվտանգային խոսույթի երկու պարադիգմներ՝ Սևրի սինդրոմ և Ազգային ուխտ․ խոսույթից քաղաքականություն, Բանբեր Երևանի համալսարանի 3 (33): 2020, էջ 17-30։
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Of the specific groups that have had an impact on the American foreign policy the ethnic interest groups are the oldest and, arguably, the most influential foreign policy lobby. The present study seeks to understand ethnic interest groups and their influence on U.S. foreign policy. The article addresses how diaspora groups can affect U.S. foreign policy debate and influence the policy abroad, using the Armenian-American diaspora community as a case study. The study examines why and how the Armenian ethnic interest groups influence U.S. policy. The discussion focuses on the specifics of Armenian lobbying institutions in the United States, the main goals and lobbying agendas, as well as mechanisms of influence on the United States’ foreign policy.
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The article examines the main trends and transformations in the foreign policy of the Republic of Armenia in conjunction and in the context of the macro-regional interests of the US and the Russian Federation, the influence of structural and situational factors on some aspects of Armenia's foreign policy. In particular, the main drivers and structural circumstances that predetermined the preservation and sustainability of the long-term foreign policy of the Republic of Armenia are reflected, with a certain shift in political and discursive emphasis in relations with the two largest players in the South Caucasus. The focus is also on some problematic aspects related to changes in the general approaches of Russia and the United States in the post-Soviet space.
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