| E - ISSN | : | 3045-3100 |
| P - ISSN | : |
In modern international relations, the concept of "soft power" plays an important role in the implementation of the state's foreign policy. Many geopolitical centers of power, such us the United States, EU, Russian Federation, China, have long used "soft power" strategies and its new modification - the concept of "smart power" in their foreign policy arsenal. Recently, the tools of "soft power" have also been successfully implemented by some regional states. Among them, in particular, we can emphasize the Turkey, which has significantly expanded the range of its participation in international and regional political processes. In addition, modern Turkey shows serious ambitions to increase its geopolitical and geo-economic influence in the regions of Central Asia and the South Caucasus.
The main purpose of the article is to reveal the features of using the institutional mechanisms of "soft power" strategy in Turkey's foreign policy arsenal. Within the framework of this study modern conceptual approaches of "soft power", institutional, cultural and economic dimensions of the Turkish "soft power" strategy are discussed. The author argues that after the cultural and economic "expansion" of the countries of the region, Turkey will promote new political agendas, in the service of which the "soft power" strategy will continue to perform their key function.
Самохин А. Мягкая сила в контексте проблематики обеспечения национальной безопасности // Историческая и социально-образовательная мысль, 2016, т. 8, N4/1,
https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/myagkaya-sila-v-kontekste-problematiki-obespecheniyanatsionalnoy-bezopasnosti/viewer, (մուտք՝ 23․03․ 2023) Галстян Х. «Smart Power» в Российской Внешней Политике: Время «Благоразумной Силы». // Управление в XXI веке։ Сборник статей по материалам Международной научно-практической конференции. НИУ «БелГУ», 23 октября 2015 года, Белгород, 2015, էջ 43։
Най Д. Гибкая сила. Как добиться успеха в мировой политике, М., «Тренд», 2006, էջ 12։
Лебедева М. Мягкая сила: понятие и подходы // Вестник МГИМОУниверситета, 2017, 3(54), էջ 213։
Nye J., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. N.Y., Public Affairs,
, էջ 6-7։
Nye J., The future of Power // Public Affairs, 2011, էջ 320։
Леонова О. Джозеф Най и «мягкая сила»: попытка нового прочтения // Социально-гуманитарные знания, 2018/1, էջ 113։
The International Organization of Turkic Culture TURKSOY, https://Tyurksoy.org
(մուտք՝ 26․04․2023)։
Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States, https://turk-pa.org/about (մուտք՝ 28․04․2023)։
Organization of Turkic States, https://turkicstates.org/en/turk-konseyi-hakkinda (մուտք՝ 30.04.2023)։
«Между Азербайджаном и Турцией подписана Шушинская декларация о союзнических отношениях», https://ru.president.az/articles/52115 (մուտք՝ 04․05․2023)։
Шангараев Р. «Армия Турана»-проект Турции по военной интеграции Тюрккого мира. // Обозреватель, 2021/7, https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/armiya-turana-proekt-turtsiipo-voennoy-integratsii-tyurkskogo-mira-ugrozy-i-perspektivy/viewer (մուտք՝ 23․ 08․ 2023)։
Ленин В. Полное собрание сочинений, М., 5-ое изд., том 44, 1970, էջ 579։
Лоторева А. Сериалы – мягкая сила Турции, https://www.trtrussian.om/
mnenie/serialy-myagkaya-sila-turcii-2309506 (մուտք՝ 05.04.2023)։
«Великолепный век турецкого телевидения: как Турция стала мировым экспортером сериалов», https://www.forbes.ru/forbeslife/345519-velikolepnyy-vek-tureckogo-televideniyakak-turciya-stala-mirovym-eksporterom (մուտք՝ 09 04 2023)։
Эргашев А., Гришин О. Образовательная политика Турции в Центральной Азии․ // Проблемы постсоветского пространства, 2002, № 9, էջ 322։
Everyone knows that integration processes are, first of all, an opportunity that must be used to achieve good results. In the modern era of globalization, the degree of interaction between states in all spheres of life is increasing. In the context of the transition to a multipolar world, regional unions play an important role. In 2024 marks the 10th anniversary of the signing of the so-called "Great Treaty", which was of great importance for the formation of the EAEU. Moreover, the Union was formed precisely based on this treaty. As for the multi-vector integration processes in the post-Soviet space, the key event for these processes was the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. In turn, Eurasian integration is a geopolitical project in response to the expansion of the European Union (EU) zone. The Eurasian Union initiative was initially ambitious. its goal was to create a supranational union like the EU. We can say that the creation of the Eurasian Union is the cornerstone of the history of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. Initially, the Union was created as an economic association, the purpose of which was the development of the economy and economic relations between the member countries of the Union. This is especially important for small economies such as Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. For Armenia, we can say that the republic's export opportunities to the EAEU countries have grown almost 10 times.
․ «Евразийский Экономический Союз, Архитектура будущего», Годовой отчет 2014, С. 9. https://eec.eaeunion.org/upload/files/paos/library/EEC_ar2014.pdf
․ Соглашение стран СНГ от 20.01.1995 "О Таможенном союзе", https://legalacts.ru/doc/soglashenie-stran-sng-ot-20011995-o-tamozhennom/
․ Договор о Таможенном союзе и Едином экономическом пространстве, http://cbd.minjust.gov.kg/act/view/ky-kg/17017
․ Заявление глав государств Республики Беларусь, Республики Казахстан, Кыргызской Республики, Российской Федерации и Республики Таджикистан об учреждении Евразийского экономического сообщества, http://www.kremlin.ru/supplement/3310
․ Сарсенов А., Правовые основы создания Евразийского экономического союза, Вестник Института законодательства РК, № 4 (45), 2016, СС. 153-156. https://vestnik.zqai.kz/index.php/vestnik/article/view/592/566
․ Договор o евразийском экономическом союзе, https://www.economy.gov.ru/material/file/2bbbbf9ae33443d533d855bf2225707e/Dogovor_ees.pdf
․ Присоединение Республики Армения к ЕАЭС https://eec.eaeunion.org/comission/department/dep_razv_integr/prisoedinenie-gosudarstv-k-eaes/ra.php
․ Присоединение Кыргызской Республики к ЕАЭС, https://eec.eaeunion.org/comission/department/dep_razv_integr/prisoedinenie-gosudarstv-k-eaes/kr.php
․ Манасерян Т. Н., Вызовы и перспективы Евразийской интеграции для экономики Армении, Семь лет членства Армении в ЕАЭС: успехи, уроки и перспективы Евразийской интеграции /Сборник статьей/, 2022, С. 11.
․ Евразийские спутники готовятся к старту, https://eec.eaeunion.org/news/28-04-2020-1/
․ Информация по реализации Соглашения о пенсионном обеспечении трудящихся государств-членов Евразийского экономического союза от 20 декабря 2019 г https://sfr.gov.ru/grazhdanam/pensionres/pens_zagran/~7884
․ Малеев Ю. Н., Международное управление устойчивым развитием: пределы необходимого и возможного, Московский журнал международного права, № 4 (100) 2015, С. 6. https://mgimo.ru/upload/iblock/5c3/file_8bd7a0b33dfb33e5a028604e1f8f280a.pdf
․ Воронцова Н. А., Либерализация торговли в рамках Евразийского экономического союза (на примере Соглашения ЕАЭС-Вьетнам), 2021, С. 105. https://mgimo.ru/upload/iblock/5c3/file_8bd7a0b33dfb33e5a028604e1f8f280a.pdf.
․ Иллерицкий Н. И., «Новые возможности энергетического сотрудничества ЕАЭС и Исламской Республики Иран», Национальный исследовательский институт мировой экономики и международных отношений имени Е. М. Примакова Российской академии наук, Москва, 2018, СС. 20-26, V Международная молодежная конференция «Мировая энергетика: основные тенденции, динамика, перспективы», https://www.imemo.ru/files/File/ru/conf/2018/27042018/Illeretskiy.pdf
․ Евразийская экономическая комиссия (ЕЭК). https://eec.eaeunion.org/comission/department/dotp/torgovye-soglasheniya/iran.php
․ Захиринежад М., «Свободная торговля Ирана и Евразийского союза позволяет наращивать несырьевой экспорт», «Евразия.Эксперт», https://eurasia.expert/authors/mahnaz-zahirinejad/
․ Евразийская экономическая комиссия (ЕЭК), Республика Сингапур., https://eec.eaeunion.org/comission/department/dotp/torgovye-soglasheniya/singapore.php
․ Российский союз промышленников и предпринимателей, https://rspp.ru/activity/cooperation/asean/
China’s unprecedented success in developing its own economy, achieved thanks to the reforms in 1980s, allowed the country to take a more worthy place in world politics and economics. The necessary prerequisites were created for the subsequent transformation of the foreign policy concept towards enhancing China’s role in world affairs and turning the country into one of the world centers of power, playing a huge role in the formation of a new multipolar world order. In this regard, China in its foreign policy began to rely on such international associations as BRICS and the SCO, as well as put forward such infrastructure projects as “Belt and Road”. The new foreign policy strategy of the PRC came into conflict with the unipolar model of the world order that had developed over the past decades, which led to a worsening of relations between China and the West, despite the developed economic relations between them. At the same time, in the modern foreign policy concept of the PRC a special place is given to Russia, which, along with China itself, is considered as one of the guarantors of the forming multipolar world and global stability.
Տե՛ս Исаев М. Любовь прошла, но Евросоюз не спешит разводиться с Китаем // «Regnum» – https://regnum.ru/news/2993831.html
Տե՛ս Хененкова Е. Дом, который построил Китай: сообщество общей судьбы для всех народов // «Regnum» – http://regnum.ru/news/2343234.html
Տե՛ս Внешнеполитический процесс на Востоке: Учеб, пособие для студентов вузов / Под ред. Д. В. Стрельцова. – М.: Издательство Аспект Пресс, 2017, с. 269.
Տե՛ս Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» նախագծում Չինաստանի հետ համագործակցության համար փաստաթղթեր ստորագրած երկրների ցուցանկ // «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» նախագծի պաշտոնական կայք – https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/info/iList.jsp?tm_id=126&cat_id=10122&info_id=77298
Տե՛ս Мануков С. «Один пояс, один путь»: уточнение пути и расширение пояса // «Eurasia Daily» – https://eadaily.com/ru/news/2019/05/03/odin-poyas-odin-put-utochnenie-puti-i-rasshirenie-poyasa
Տե՛ս Китай нарастит инвестиции в страны «Одного пояса, одного пути» // «CGTN» – https://russian.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-16/1669555721243619330/index.html
Տե՛ս Путин поприветствовал «Новый шелковый путь» и призвал к интеграции // «Мир 24» – https://mir24.tv/news/16107482
Տե՛ս Китай запустил грузовой ж/д маршрут в Германию в обход России // «Вести» – https://www.vesti.ru/finance/article/2707929#:~:text=20%20апреля%202022.%20Китай%20запустил,маршрут%20проходит%20в%20обход%20России
OSCE Minsk Group has been the main mediating body to deal with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict since 1992. For around 30 years the three Co-Chairs of the Minsk Group- Russia, USA and France, have been productively cooperating on the matter. Minsk Group was believed to be an exclusive forum where the Western and Russian conflicting interests did not hinder the Minsk Group’s mission to provide ways to solve the conflict. However, since the February 2022 Russian-Ukrainian war the cooperation between these countries within the Minsk Group has been largely paralyzed.
Unfortunately, this coincided with the aftermath of Nagorno-Karabakh 44-day war in 2020, constant border skirmishes and Azerbaijani aggression and invasion into sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia. The more internal struggles the Minsk Group experiences, the more regional security suffers. Different actors come up with individual efforts trying to establish themselves as the main mediators between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Under such circumstances there are no balancing mechanisms to restrain the mediating sides from advancing mutually contradicting initiatives which stem from their interests. Hence, this article advocates the importance of the role of the Minsk Group as a body uniting the main mediating actors at the same time being the only body that has the mandate to mediate on issues relating to Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The article analyzes all the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution plans proposed by the Minsk Group Co-Chairs, the Minsk Group activities during the 2016 and 2020 wars, the stalemate in the negotiations after the 2018 “Velvet revolution” in Armenia as well as the current crisis within the Minsk Group and the importance of preserving the Minsk Group as the main mediating body in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Adams P., Wright G., Ukraine war: Leak shows Western special forces on the ground, April 11, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65245065, (Accessed 03.05.2023).
Aliyev: Talks with Armenia Suspended since 2019, April 22, 2022, https://mediamax.am/en/news/karabakh/47197, (Accessed 23.03.2023).
Armenia Recognized Nagorno Karabakh as Part of Azerbaijan with Madrid Principles in 2007, says PM Pashinyan, 18 April 2023, https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1108961/, (Accessed 21.04.2023).
Avetisyan A., Western Co-Chairs, Pashinyan, and Lavrov dispute Minsk Group status, https://oc-media.org/western-co-chairs-pashinyan-and-lavrov-dispute-minsk-group-status/, (Accessed .2023).
Birth of the idea of “Common State,” March 5, 2012, https://mediamax.am/en/column/12217/, (Accessed 14.03.2023).
Broers L., Perspectives | Beyond Minsk? The remaking of the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace process, April 20, 2022, https://eurasianet.org/perspectives-beyond-minsk-the-remaking-of-the-armenian-azerbaijani-peace-process, (Accessed 07.05.2023).
Department Press Briefing – March 6, 2023, U.S. State Department, https://www.state.gov/briefings/department-press-briefing-march-6-2023/, (Accessed 06.05.2023).
Department Press Briefing – October 25, 2022, U.S. State Department, https://www.state.gov/briefings/department-press-briefing-october-25-2022/, (Accessed 05.05.2023).
Exclusive Interview of Former U.S. Co-Chair of the OSCE Minsk Group (1999-2001), Ambassador Carey Cavanaugh to Mediamax, April 4 2011, https://mediamax.am/en/news/keywest/514/, (Accessed 15.03.2023).
Hoagland R., Does the Minsk Group Still Have a Role? International Conflict Resolution Center, March 26, 2021, https://icrcenter.org/does-the-minsk-group-still-have-a-role/?fbclid=IwAR23K3jIqj8ftRk7Z0u8PuPA5Nv-RnVwwQkv6IawvsOKtoyxBB2jeiCjYQk, (Acessed 20.03.2023).
In Saint Petersburg, Presidents of Armenia, Russia and Azerbaijan made a joint statement, The President of the Republic of Armenia, June 20, 2016, https://www.president.am/en/press-release/item/2016/06/20/President-Serzh-Sargsyan-meeting-with-Presidents-o-Russia-Azerbaijan/, (Accessed 20.03.2023)
Joint Statement by the Heads of Delegation of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair Countries, December 3, 2020, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/472419, (Accessed 28.03.2023).
Joint Statement by the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair Countries, December 7, 2021, https:// www.osce.org/minsk-group/507320, (Accessed 03.05.2023).
Joint Statement Calling for a Ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh, October 5, 2020, https://2017-2021.state.gov/joint-statement-calling-for-a-ceasefi re-in-nagorno-karabakh/index.html, (Accessed .2023).
Joint Statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Secretary of State of the United States of America, and State Secretary for Europe Affairs of France, OSCE, May 16, 2016, https://www.osce.org/mg/240316, (Accessed 20.03.2023).
Joint Statement on the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict by Dmitry Medvedev, President of the Russian Federation, Barack Obama, President of the United States of America, and Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the French Republic at the Deauville Summit of the Eight, The White House, May 26, 2011, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/26/joint-statement-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-dmitry-medvedev-president-russ, (Accessed 15.03.2023).
Joint Statement on the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict by U.S. President Obama, Russian President Medvedev, and French President Sarkozy at the L’Aquila Summit of the Eight, OSCE, July 10, 2009, https://www.osce.org/mg/51152, (Accessed 15.03.2023).
Lavrov Says U.S., France Have Due to "Russophobia," https://hetq.am/en/article/143211, (Accessed .2023).
Mandate of the Co-Chairmen of the Conference on Nagorno Karabakh under the Auspices of the OSCE ("Minsk Conference") Adopted by the Chairman-in-Office, Vienna, March 23, 1995, https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/f/f/70125.pdf, (Accessed 10.03.2023).
Military Brass Calls for Prime Minister’s Resignation, Pashinyan Promises to “End the Velvet”, EVN Report, Feb 25, 2021, https://evnreport.com/politics/military-brass-calls-for-prime-minister-s-resignation-pashinyan-promises-to-end-the-velvet/#:~:text=Armenia's%20top%20military%20brass%20has,the%20interests%20of%20the%20country, (Accessed 24.03.2023)
Minsk Group proposal ('common state deal'), November 1998, https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/f2c2f3/pdf, (Accessed 14.03.2023).
Minsk Group proposal ('package deal') July 1997, https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/4b2ddb/pdf/, (Accessed 13.03.2023).
Minsk Group proposal ('step¬by¬step deal') December 1997, https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/8760bb/pdf/, (Accessed 13.03.2023).
Musabayov R., The Karabakh conflict and democratization in Azerbaijan, The limits of leadership Elites and societies in the Nagorny Karabakh peace process, Conciliation Resources, London 2005, pp. 60-63.
Nikoghosyan V., Ter-Matevosyan V., From ‘revolution’ to war: deciphering Armenia’s populist foreign policy-making process, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Informa UK Limited, Taylor & Francis Group, pp. 1-21.
OSCE Minsk Group, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/108306, (Accessed 10. 03.2023).
Poghosyan B., Opinion: Why is Lavrov pushing for a Karabakh agreement?, April 30, 2020, https://www.commonspace.eu/opinion/opinion-why-lavrov-pushing-karabakh-agreement, (21.03.2023).
Press Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group on the Upcoming Meeting of President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan, OSCE, March 9, 2019, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/413813, (Accessed 23.03.2023).
Press Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, October 25, 2020 https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/468204, (Accessed 27.03.2023)
Press Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, October 30, 2020, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/468984, (Accessed 27.03.2023).
Russia Signals Separate Mediation Efforts On Armenia-Azerbaijan Accord, https://www.azatutyun.am/a/31804989.html, (Accessed 05.05.2023).
Special meeting of OSCE Permanent Council held on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh context, OSCE, September 29, 2020, https://www.osce.org/chairmanship/465225, (Accessed .2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, April 13, 2021, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/483416 (Accessed 28.03.2023), Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, May 5, 2021, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/485558, (Accessed 28.03.2023). Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, May 28, 2021, https://www.osce.org/ minsk-group/487879, (Accessed 28.03..2023). Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, July 29, 2021, https://www.osce. org/minsk-group/493945, (Accessed 28.03..2023). Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, February 16, 2020, https:// www.osce.org/minsk-group/478690, (Accessed 28.03..2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, December 4, 2021, https://www. osce.org/minsk-group/506813 (Accessed: 03.05.2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, February 16, 2020, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/478690, (Accessed 30.03.2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, November 11, 2021, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/504007, (Accessed 31.03.2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, OSCE, September 27, 2020, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/465018, (Accessed 24.03.2023).
Statement by the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, September 24, 2021, https://www.osce.org/minsk-group/498948, (Accessed 31.03.2023).
Terrence H. P., Minsk Group Mediation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Confronting an "Intractable Conflict," IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 167-179. https://ifsh.de/file-CORE/documents/yearbook/english/14/Hopmann_2014-en_S.pdf, (Accessed 10.03.2023).
The OSCE Minsk Process, MFA of Artsakh, http://www.nkr.am/en/osce-minsk-process, (Accessed .03.2022)
Trump, Putin, Macron call for Armenia and Azerbaijan to cease hostilities, Politico, October 1, 2020, https://www.politico.eu/article/trump-putin-macron-call-for-armenia-andazerbaijan-to-cease-hostilities/, (Accessed 24.03.2023).
Waal T., A Precarious Peace for Karabakh, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 11, 2020 https://carnegiemoscow.org/commentary/83202, (Accessed 17.03.2023).
Waal T., at Muradyan A., Who can lead Armenia and Azerbaijan to peace if the Minsk group fails?, April 28, 2022, https://jam-news.net/who-can-lead-armenia-and-azerbaijan-to-peace-if-the-minsk-group-fails/, (Accessed 07.05.2023).
Waal T., The Nagorny Karabakh Conflict in its Fourth Decade, CEPS Working Document, No. WD 2021-02 / September 2021, pp. 1-16.
Zourabian L., The Nagorno-Karabakh Settlement Revisited: Is Peace Achievable?, Demokratizatsiya, 2006, 14(2), pp. 252- 265.
Рашид Нургалиев рассказал о решении застарелого конфликта в Карабахе, Российская газета, January 20, 2021, https://rg.ru/2021/01/20/rashid-nurgaliev-rasskazal-o-reshenii-zastarelogo-konflikta-v-karabahe.html, (Accessed 17.03.2022).
Ես բանակցությունները սկսել եմ ոչ թե Սերժ Սարգսյանի, այլ իմ սեփական կետից. Փաշինյան, April 9, 2019, https://www.azatutyun.am/a/29870090.html, (Accessed 22.03.2023).
Լեռնային Ղարաբաղի հարցով Կազանի գագաթնաժողովը. Սերժ Սարգսյանի հոդվածը 10 տարի անց, July 06, 2021, https://armeniasputnik.am/20210706/lernayin-gharabaghi-harcov-kazani-gagatnajoxov-mtorumner-10-tari-anc-28190560.html, (Accessed 16.03.2023).
Կազանի փաստաթուղթ (աշխատանքային տարբերակ), June 23, 2016, https://www.aniarc.am/2016/06/23/kazan-document-23-june/?fbclid=IwAR3TBKvKbCWrYtRnEM5Z5DSNfsPE5sua6ZCL-qW-n_WgKphZBlkNvrrtr08, (Accessed 16.03.2023).
Նիկոլ Փաշինյանը՝ Արցախի խնդրի մասին, May 10. 2018, https://mediamax.am/am/news/karabakh/28380 , (Accessed 23.03.2023).
Տեր-Պետրոսյանի հրաժարականը վճռեց Անվտանգության խորհրդի նիստը. հունվար 7-8, 1998թ, Լևոն Տեր-Պետրոսյանի ԸՆՏՐԱՆԻ հատորից, January 7, 2023, https://www.aniarc.am/2023/01/07/ltp-7-8-january-1998/, (Accessed 14.03.2023).
Օսկանյան Վ., Քի Վեսթ` չիրացված հնարավորություն, August 20, 2013, https://mediamax.am/am/column/12454/, (Accessed 14.03.2023).
Within the framework of institutionalization of public diplomacy and "soft" power in Türkiye and with the direct efforts of former Turkish Foreign Minister and then Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, a number of organizations were founded or reorganized in Türkiye, which are active in public, political, cultural, health, business circles and other fields in the country.
These organizations gradually became the leading instruments of Türkiye's "soft" power and public diplomacy. The main goal of the policy of ruling Justice and Development party of Türkiye was to support these organizations and to contribute to the formation of a positive image of Türkiye throughout the public circles in a number of foreign countries. Oftentimes this became possible thanks to the activities of these organizations.
Various countries and regions where these "soft" power tools have been actively used were separated within the framework of the implementation of Turkish public diplomacy and "soft" power. Despite the geographical differences, the tools of Turkish public diplomacy and "soft" power remained largely the same.
Mehmet Ali Tuğtan, "Kültürel Değişkenlerin Dış Politikadaki Yeri: İsmail Cem ve Ahmet Davutoğlu", Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 13(49), 2016, էջ 3-24. https://www.uidergisi.com.tr/source/49-1.pdf
Matthew S. Cohen, “Ahmet Davutoğlu’s Academic and Professional Articles: Understanding the World View of Turkey’s Former Prime Minister”, Turkish Studies, 17(4), 2016: 527. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2016.1220838
Ahmet Davutoğlu, “Stratejik Derinlik: Türkiye’nin Uluslararası Konumu”, Küre Yayınları, İstanbul 2014, էջ 17
Elçin Aktoprak, “Ahmet Davutoğlu, Stratejik Derinlik: Türkiye’nin Uluslararası Konumu”, Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 1(3), 2004, էջ 175. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43925926
Samet Kavoğlu, “Yapılandırmaci Perspektiften Kamu Diplomasisi ve Türkiye: ABD Yazılı Basınından Yansımalar”, İstanbul Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Dergisi, 11(45), 2013, էջ 121. https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/1CD58DF90A/418B7BD815484D59B05F0D4330100A23?doi=10.17064/i%C3%BCifhd.16181
Burak Medin, “Resmî Aktörler Bağlamında Dijital Kamu Diplomasisi”, International Journal of Social Sciences and Education Research, 3(4), 2017, էջ 1240-1241. http://static.dergipark.org.tr:8080/article-download/7264/23c1/907a/594e302743ee1.pdf?
Gökmen Kılıçoğlu, Ayhan Nuri Yılmaz, “Bir Kamu Diplomasisi Kurumu Olarak TİKA’nın AK Parti Döneminde Kullanılması”, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları, 116(229), 2017, էջ 171-182. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/tda/issue/60085/870037
Ahmet Nafiz Ünalmış, “Yumuşak Gücün Tesis Edilmesinde Kültürel Diplomasinin Önemi ve Bir Uygulayıcı Olarak Yunus Emre Enstitüsü”, Turk Dunyası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 91, 2019, 137-159. http://static.dergipark.org.tr:8080/article-download/28b4/18fb/43a6/5daec1c4bdefc.pdf?
Derya Büyüktanır, “Public Diplomacy Activities of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD During the AK Party Era”, Akademik Bakış Dergisi, 11(23), 2018, էջ 73-98. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/609472
Ramazan Gözen, “Causes and Consequences Of Turkey's Out-Of-War Position In The Iraq War Of 2003”, The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations, 36, 2005, էջ 76-77. https://dspace.ankara.edu.tr/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12575/65601/8622.pdf?sequence=1
Dietrich Jung, “Turkey and the Arab World: Historical Narratives and New Political Realities”, Mediterranean Politics, 10(1), 2005, էջ 3-7. https://doi.org/10.1080/1362939042000338818
Thowhidul Islam, “Turkey's AKP foreign policy toward Syria: shifting policy during the Arab Spring”, International Journal on World Peace, 33(1), 2016, էջ 9. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335881395_Turkey's_AKP_foreign_policy_toward_Syria_shifting_policy_during_the_Arab_Spring
Özüm Sezin Uzun, Mojtaba Barghandan, “Public Diplomacy of Turkey and Iran: The Syrian Case”, Adnan Menderes University, Journal of Institute of Social Sciences, 4(3), 2017, էջ 33-42. http://static.dergipark.org.tr:8080/article-download/dee2/be07/ac65/5a40b1318f39a.pdf?
Ahmet Davutoğlu, “Turkey’s Zero-Problems Foreign Policy”, Foreign Policy, accessed November 7, 2023, https://foreignpolicy.com/2010/05/20/turkeys-zero-problems-foreign-policy/
Bülent Aras, Pınar Akpınar, “The Relations between Turkey and the Caucasus”, Perceptions, 16(3), 2011, էջ 57-59, http://static.dergipark.org.tr:8080/article-download/ae49/1de8/c73b/JA36PA23SG/5c4976c1219a1_9f74dfe09514a083e309b58695720de5.pdf?
Դավիթ Սաֆարյան, ««Ֆուտբոլային դիվանագիտության» արձագանքները թուրքական մամուլում», «Բանբեր Երևանի համալսարանի. Միջազգային հարաբերություններ, Քաղաքագիտություն», 3(27), 2018, էջ 47-57: http://ysu.am/files/04D_Safaryan.pdf
Bülent Aras, Fatih Özbay, “Turkish-Armenian Relations: Will Football Diplomacy Work?”, SETA Policy Brief, 24, 2008 էջ 3. http://setadc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/SETA_Policy_Brief_No_24_Bulent_Aras_Fatih_Ozbay.pdf
Mitat Çelikpala, “Türkiye ve Kafkasya: Reaksiyoner Dış Politikadan Proaktif Ritmik Diplomasiye Geçiş”, Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 7(25), 2010, էջ 108-111. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/uidergisi/issue/39272/462474
Eleni Fotiou, ““Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform”: What is at Stake for Regional Cooperation?”, ICBSS, Policy Brief, 16, 2009, էջ 5, accessed November 7, 2023, https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/104737/PB_16.pdf
Erman Akıllı, “Turksoy, Turkic Council and Cultural Diplomacy: Transactionalism Revisited”, Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World (Bilig), 91, 2019, էջ 1-25. http://bilig.yesevi.edu.tr/yonetim/icerik/makaleler/4558-published.pdf
Muharrem Ekşi, “Türkiye'nin Türk Dünyasına Yönelik Diplomasisi”, Türk Dünyası İncelemeleri Dergisi, 17(1), 2017, էջ 182. https://acikerisim.klu.edu.tr/xmlui/handle/20.500.11857/902
Ayhan Yilmaz, “Bir Diaspora Diplomasisi Kurumu Olarak Yurtdişi Türkler ve Akraba Topluluklar Başkanliği (YTB) ve Balkanlar”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Kongresi 2017 Bildiri Kitapçiği, 1(4), 2017, էջ 242-251. https://www.academia.edu/33445789/B%C4%B0R_D%C4%B0ASPORA_D%C4%B0PLOMAS%C4%B0S%C4%B0_KURUMU_OLARAK_YURTDI%C5%9EI_T%C3%9CRKLER_VE_AKRABA_TOPLULUKLARI_BA%C5%9EKANLI%C4%9EI_YTB_VE_BALKANLAR
Kieran Uchehara, “Continuity and Change in Turkish Foreign Policy Toward Africa”, Akademik Bakışm, 2(3), 2008, էջ 50-51. http://static.dergipark.org.tr/article-download/imported/5000142054/5000129857.pdf?
Mehmet Özkan, “Turkey's Rising Role in Africa”, Turkish Policy Quarterly, 9(4), 2010, էջ 94, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/220048169_Turkey's_Rising_Role_in_Africa
Hakan Fidan, Rahman Nurdun, “Turkey's role in the global development assistance community: the case of TIKA (Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency)”, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, 10(1), 2008, էջ 100. https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190801895888
Elem Eyrice Tepecikliogu, “Economic Relations Between Turkey and Africa: Challenges and Prospects”, The Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Policy, 8(1), 2017, էջ 1-33. https://doi.org/10.4314/jsdlp.v8i1.2
Mevlut Çavuşoğlu, “Turkey and Africa are building a solid partnership”, Daily Sabah, Daily Sabah, accessed November 7, 2023, https://www.dailysabah.com/op-ed/2018/05/25/turkey-and-africa-are-building-a-solid-partnership
During the last decade populism has become one of the most used and sometimes the most demonized terms by politicians, analysts and the general public who follow the political developments. After the victory of Donald Trump in US presidential elections the number of studies on populism among Western political analysts has significantly increased, and in 2017, "populism" was announced as the word of the year by the Cambridge dictionary. Despite there is no universal definition of this phenomenon, there is a consensus among researchers about one of the most important elements defining populism: It sees politics as a struggle between good and evil. Within the framework of this article, we study the origin of the term populism and the reasons for its negative perception. By conducting a literature review and analyzing expert interviews, this article aims to find an answer for the question “Why is the manifestation of populism in one case perceived as a positive, and in another case as a negative phenomenon? “. Within the framework of the article, populism is considered as a democratizing anti-liberal phenomenon.
Guriev, Sergei and Elias Papaioannou, "The Political Economy of Populism." Journal of Economic Literature,2022, 60 (3), P. 4
Official website of Cambridge university, “Populism' revealed as 2017 Word of the Year by Cambridge University Press”, 30.10.2017.
URL: https://www.cam.ac.uk/news/populism-revealed-as-2017-word-of-the-year-by-cambridge-university-press
Mudde, Cas. “The Populist Zeitgeist.” Government and Opposition 39, no. 4 (2004): P. 543.
Weyland, Kurt. (2001). Clarifying a Contested Concept: Populism in the Study of Latin American Politics. Comparative Politics. 34. 1-22:
The modern world is going through a period of transformation. The formation of new power centers and the intensification of the struggle between them, as well as the increase in the importance of military power in that struggle, lead to a change in the structure of the world order and the formation of new rules and principles. Political conceptual documents are of special importance in the structure of the national security policy and decision-making process of each country, among the most important of which the national security concept or a document equivalent to it in its functions, which may have a different name based on the characteristics of the country, can be ranked among the most important. The concept of national security is a political document that contains the system of official views on the place and role of the state in the modern world, the national values, interests and goals of the state, the forces, means and capabilities of preventing and countering external and internal threats, as well as organizing the operation of the national security system. foundations and principles.
The rapid globalization of science and technology, as well as the expansion of travel, trade and migration, together with positive effects, have brought to light threats and challenges of a qualitatively new nature, which require states to operate at the local, regional and global levels with new rules of the game, where the control and prevention of biological threats are crucial. Biosecurity issues are directly related to critical infrastructure and are threats at the national level.
Broussard L.A. Biological agents: weapons of warfare and bioterrorism // Molecular Diagnosis and Therapy. 2001. 6. № 4: 324-333
De Oliveira Cardoso T.A., De Albuquerque Navarro M.B.M., Soares B.E.C., Tapajós A.M. Biosafety and biosecurity: applicabilities of the biological security// Interciencia. 2008. Т. 33. № 8. С. 561-568.
Hall C.M. Biosecurity, tourism and mobility: institutional arrangements for managing tourism-related biological invasions // Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events. 2011. 3. № 3: 256-280.
Marifli A.M. Bioterrorism and chemical attacks // International Journal of Anti-terrorism Studies. 2019. № 4 (1). С. 16-24.
National Biodefense Strategy of US, White House, 2018 // https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/National-Biodefense-Strategy.pdf
UK Biological Security Strategy, The Home Office, London, July 2018 // https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/730213/2018_UK_Biological_Security_Strategy.pdf
Жемчугов В. Биобезопасность - важное направление работы // Гражданская защита. 2008. № 10. С. 34-35
Указ Президента РФ от 11 марта 2019 г. № 97 "Об Основах государственной политики Российской Федерации в области обеспечения химической и биологической безопасности на период до 2025 года и дальнейшую перспективу” // https://www.garant.ru/products/ipo/prime/doc/72092478/
Черкесов В.В., Хацько М.С., Гентлер А.Н. Актуальность проблемы биотерроризма // Пожарная и техносферная безопасность: проблемы и пути совершенствования. 2020. № 2 (6). С. 475-479.